In all its outward manifestations, there is the identity of the conventional education, knowledge-glory, art, literature, society, culture, politics and economy. The progressiveness of this practice forms the basis of welfare-oriented nationalism.
Due to the characteristic of Prakrit character, no harmful element can be added to the thought consciousness of Swadesha thought. This speed makes it feel comfortable to move in the middle as a strategy in any movement-struggle. Since all the feelings are mother-earth-human thoughts, it is possible to use all the emotions logically, so there is no chance to move from the main character. This section plays a very active and effective role in achieving periodic continuity, judgment-analysis and taking the next step. As a result, all the mistakes that can be made due to unwanted instability are relatively less present in this progressive character. Indigenous progressiveness has a strange ability to mobilize all in favor of the movement, especially to attract ordinary people outside the party circle, by quickly ending all dilemmas at the end of the periodic progression, even if the main goal is far away due to its enduring character. Another special character that flourishes is that the educated class as well as the common people can be easily adapted. Whose own body does not have the idea of a class enemy caused by a classified view. From that point on, this is actually classic progressivism.
And a kind of foreign progressiveism is born in those who are accustomed to think of themselves as saviors of the exploited and deprived, wrapped in the cloak of urban aristocracy, driven by the ego of scholarly wisdom, influenced by the glory and theory of knowledge borrowed from Britain.
In such a character, only the floating form of deep feeling of the real condition of mother-earth-man can adapt. He got the mentality of riding a horse by riding on the back of knowledge. Seminar symposium speeches or speeches on the economic emancipation of oppressed people are as eloquent as they can be, as if to captivate everyone. But because the emotional coexistence of the oppressed people does not coexist in the same context and environment for a long time, the spiritual bond with the oppressed people is very weak in nature because only by analyzing those people with the knowledge of the textbook. This is one of the preconditions for the formation of a nationalist character, around which nationalism is to be formed. For those progressive leaders who have not risen from this basic foundation of consciousness, it is very difficult for them to be real freedom-loving progressive leaders. It is very unlikely that the success of nationalism will come at the hands of those who follow the leaders of foreign progressive movements and are inspired by the textbook theory and do progressive politics.
In some cases very weak character is seen. And if they get bitten or rot, they are more harmful than the reactants. In this case they are driven by the evil influence of their jealous character. There is not the slightest hindrance or hesitation to do the worst work out of jealousy. Since it cannot acquire a permanent character based on nationalism, it does not feel stingy to break up the party and form its own group, to have an armed face or to change the party by trampling on the beliefs of the past. No matter where they go, they have never been able to create a comfortable place for the team. He can easily use the knowledge of eloquence and foreign textbooks to promote himself in the new team, but in the final stage, he also harms the team he joined due to his own jealous character. There is a tendency to consider oneself more worthy in terms of loyalty to the party chief. As a result, they are driven by negative attitudes and resort to various tactics.
There is a clear difference between the progress of foreign thought and the progress of nationalism. The detrimental effects of jealousy, intolerance, and erudition are consistent with responsive behavior in comparative analysis. This reactionary sometimes changes teams and joins other teams but waits till the last day in the mindset of implementing a specific agenda from where they came from. It is never possible to create oneself in the form of the original members of the next party because that ideological place gradually builds itself up as cruel by creating constant dissension with its dislike and its own party ideology. When he gets the time and opportunity, he just soothes and calms his mind.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the father of the Bengali nation, the poet of the great heroic politics who succeeded in the personal philosophy of nationalism in the politics of the Indian subcontinent. In fact, Bengali nationalism came to fruition after a long journey through the hands of the father of the nation. In an analysis of why Sheikh Mujib is the creator of the Bangladesh state and the father of the Bengali nation, in an selected essay by Shamsuzzaman Khan, a famous folklorist of Bangladesh and the Indian subcontinent, he said: He was able to establish a nation-state by uniting the small nationalities in the same nationalist movement. Such success is unprecedented. ”
He further said, “The Bengali nation that developed hundreds of years before the establishment of the state of Bangladesh,
It was just an ethnic group. As a result of the development of the same language and general socio-economic way of life and in harmony with their physical, mental and psychological constitution, this ethnic group became an advanced people with its own characteristics and various forms of thinking in different fields. After the establishment of Bangladesh through almost three decades of independence and well-planned independence movement, it has become a nation. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the main creator of this nation. ”
In 1947, the state of India and Pakistan were born out of the division of communal consciousness. Neither India nor Pakistan was created as a result of any nationalist movement. The states of India and Pakistan were born on the basis of religion-based biracialism. From the beginning to the end of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s political life, through prisons and tortures, in the reality of that time, Hussain Shaheed Sarwardi, later Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani sharpened himself in the revolutionary spirit of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose and rebel poet Kazi Nazrul Islam. He adapted himself to the dream of forming a separate nation-state through the nationalist movement, then he gave birth to the Chhatra League in 1948 with his own hands, reflecting his own philosophy in the dream journey. In order to gradually mature politically, Chhatra League played a leading role in various programs in the direction of its own conscious progress. Chhatra League is getting ready. Under the leadership of the great leader, the role of Chhatra League in the language movement of 1952, the education movement of 1962, the mass uprising of 1969, the election of 1970 and the liberation war of 1971 is unique in every movement and struggle. It is important to note that the ‘Nucleus’ was formed in 1981 with Sirajul Alam Khan, Abdur Razzak, Abdul Quddus Makhan and Fazlul Haque Moni under his leadership to give full shape to the nationalist movement.
From the year 1972 to the next war of liberation, he used this nucleus to create some slogans for the Bengali nation from the very beginning, which emanated from the sentiments developed against the exploitation and deprivation of all Bengalis. Wake up wake up, wake up Bengali, you are my address, Padma-Meghna-Jamuna are two slogans that Bangabandhu liked very much from the very beginning. In this way, many more slogans were created, almost all of which emanated from the deep passion of the mother-land-people of this country and were built by the consciousness of nationalism. On the other hand, there is no doubt that Rabindranath Tagore’s songs have made an outstanding contribution to Bangabandhu’s sense of Bengali nationalism. ‘Amar Sonar Bangla, I Love You’ – Rabindranath’s idea of making this song the national anthem can be seen when Bangabandhu repeatedly performed this song with Sanjida Khatun in the fifties and Ajit Roy in the sixties.
Another song composed by DL Roy ‘Dhanadhanya Pushpa Bhara, Amader Ei Bashundhara’ was very much liked by Bangabandhu. When he had time, he would sing these two songs humming. And whenever he got a chance, he would recite Rabindranath’s poems. The poet Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman has a unique level of patriotism in all his thoughts, the essence of indigenous culture and the eradication of hunger and poverty of the common people as well as economic liberation and the necessary steps to give a nationalist dream state in its implementation, even in determining war strategy. He chose the guerrilla war against the Pak military junta from the very beginning by not identifying separatism in the war strategy by avoiding the borrowed thought i.e. attacking the cantonment and snatching arms and avoiding the oncoming war. In his historic speech on March 7, he made it clear as part of his strategy: “Build forts from house to house.” He told them to close the roads, and even went to war with whatever they had and instructed them to protect the motherland.
He formulated a new constitution of the nation-state by presenting a strong philosophy of democracy, nationalism, secularism and socialism. No matter how he speaks in academic discourse, no matter what the biblical language of these four principles reveals, in the heart of Bangabandhu there is a peculiarity of indigenous thought in the sense of all these four principles. The sense of his socialist thought is built by his own consciousness of his own genre, his own ideological socialism. It was supported by cooperative based thinking consciousness. Bangabandhu’s socialist thought has come up in his own speech- “I do not want to rent socialism from the world, this socialism will be the socialism of Bengal. This socialism is the socialism of the people of Bengal, it means a society without exploitation, a balanced distribution of wealth. I will not allow the rich to increase their wealth in Bangladesh. The peasants, laborers, intellectuals and workers of Bengal will enjoy the benefits of socialism in this country. ” (Bangabandhu; Suhrawardy Udyan, June 7, 1972)
Foreign ideology is observed in all aspects of the thinking consciousness and aristocracy of the comrades of the left organization of the socialist political trend. There is a great difference between the revolutionary consciousness of their own ideology and their thinking consciousness and tactics. In any context, the spoken word tends to be more inclined to make class-influenced decisions than to make decisions based on the local socio-political, cultural environment. There is also an impression of military mentality in the field of operational work, which is seen to follow the principle of ‘one bullet kills one’. Revenge that the damaged family is going to destroy the class enemy
They have no qualms about becoming paralyzed and gradually increasing social unrest. Social motivation has not been seen as a very effective strategy in the decision to change society. These leaders, who do politics of changing fortunes with speeches and statements, have never made a record of sleeping on the same bed with such people in their entire lifetimes. They have mixed reactions to secular beliefs. As far as is known, the poet Rabindranath has also been considered a bourgeois writer in many of their languages. Because, there is no thought about socialism in Rabindrasahitya, so it is avoidable for many of them.
Incidentally, Rabindranath did not support socialist economics in eliminating economic inequality. According to him, ‘Wealth should not be taken away by force, nor should wealth be given generously. The way to do this is to make everyone aware of the power to generate wealth as much as possible, that is, to spread the co-operative policy among the general public. ‘ Volume, page-36). On the other hand, Rabindranath wrote literature in Bengali in the language of those who believed in the sectarian ideology of the Pakistani gharana, but he completely abandoned the culture of his own state of Pakistan and was a man of the ideology of Indian culture. Therefore, it is essential to reject the poet Rabindranath Tagore and his music and literature.
Even progressive and reactionary intellectuals have been seen making counter-statements about Rabindranath centering on the celebration of the festival at Dhaka University on the occasion of Rabindranath’s 100th birth anniversary. While the strong platform of the reactionaries took a very active and strong stance against Rabindranath, those leftists who initially opposed Rabindranath regretted that their initial statement was not correct considering the context in which those leftists did not see the option of returning to secular Qatar.
In other words, Rabindranath realized that he was not a communal writer or a bourgeois writer supporting the British. However, a large section of the Left was not in favor of looking at Rabindranath in that way in the Marxist assessment. However, a closer look at the matter reveals that a strong communal form can be seen when the then Pakistan and their followers, a large part of the then East Pakistan, ie today’s Bangladesh, who believed in communal thinking, took a very strong stand against Rabindranath.
Some of these leftist politicians were forced to return to the ranks of secularism as it became very difficult for them to agree directly with the ideology of communal politics as the bearers of leftist politics. The Rabindra debate in East Bengal began in 1947. In a collection of selected essays written by eminent folklore researcher Shamsuzzaman Khan, he discusses the Rabindra debate in Bangladesh and some of its commentaries: “Probably the communist prisoners of Dhaka district started it among themselves. In particular, some members of the Dhaka Progress Writers’ Association became vocal about the issue. Among them were Munir Chowdhury (Martyr in the War of Independence), Akhlaqur Rahman (later Doctor), Abdullah Al-Muti (later Doctor) and Professor Ajit Kumar Guha. All of them had some affiliation with the Communist Party at that time. Apart from Ajit Guha, three others called Rabindranath a reactionary bourgeois writer at a literary meeting held at the Salimullah Muslim Hall. ”
Moreover, it is known that most of the theorists who wrote in the Calcutta-based Marxist magazine were in favor of rejecting Rabindra Sahitya. In the words of the theorist Rabindra Gupta, “Mayabad of the Upanishads is the essence of Rabindra philosophy.” It is pertinent to give credit to the various movements in the subcontinent for their achievements in the struggle for their intelligence and in the direct participation of many. But on closer inspection, it is seen that their tactics in building the consciousness of nationalism are very weak. Especially in the context of the birth of the state of Bangladesh, the visible reflection of their leadership in building nationalist consciousness could not fully touch the emotions of the common people of Bengal. Considering the indigenous context, they have not been able to create excellent chemistry with the philosophy of left politics, so even after 50 years, they have not been able to make left politics acceptable to the people of this country.
In order to create a sense of nationalism, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the father of the great nation, rose above all obstacles of three decades of continuous labor, struggle, imprisonment, oppression, torture and by loving the people of Bengal The basic nationalism of the Bengalis is that which gives birth to the self-consciousness embedded in the heart. In that mantra, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the father of the best Bengali nation for thousands of years, was born with his own hands through the war of liberation as the leader of the Bengali nation by initiating the Bengali nation.